Tag Archives: Nationalism

SEN News Bites: 25-31 August 2014

The Diplomat (26/08/2014) features a piece on the implications that the Dokdo Islands territorial dispute between Japan and South Korea might have for Korean self-understanding and national identity.

 

Eurasia Review (28/08/2014) features a piece reflecting on the roots and contradictions of the spiral of suspicions and insecurities in Japan, South Korea and China.

 

The Guardian (29/08/2014) features an opinion piece on the different kinds of Russian nationalism and their influence on the current Russian policies in Ukraine.

 

Myanmar Times (30/08/2014) features a report giving details of a recent plea by a senior Buddhist monk to representatives of all parties in Myanmar to prioritise nationalism over human rights.

 

DailyNews Egypt (30/08/2014) features a piece on contemporary Egyptian national identity and cultural values.

 

AsiaOne World (31/08/2014) features an extended report on how the indigenous inhabitants of Guatemala, ethnic Mayans, drove an ultra Orthodox Jewish community out of the region.

 

The Straits Times (31/08/2014) reports on the opening of a new museum in Jakarta, Indonesia recognising the valuable contribution made by Chinese community in Indonesia to the struggle for the country’s independence.

News compiled by Anastasia Voronkova

If you would like to write a response to any of these news stories, please email us at sen@lse.ac.uk.

 

 

 

Article Spotlights

articlespotlightRead on for Article Spotlights from the SEN Archives focusing on recent SEN News Bites. Here, we focus on the significance of political and constitutional processes to nationalism, national identity, and responding to ethnic conflict (and its causes, such as deficit of political representation), potential or actual.

Mara Malagodi’s essay address this area focusing on Nepal, and more specifically debates surrounding constitutional change there since the ‘demise’ of the 1990 Constitution as of 2007.

Mara Malagodi, Forging the Nepali Nation through Law: A Reflection on the Use of Western Legal Tools in a Himalayan Kingdom, Volume 8, Issue 3, 2008, pp. 433-452.

The present article endeavours to analyse the use and scope of Western positivistic legal tools in the creation of the Nepali nation. It suggests a two-level analysis. First, a historical analysis of Nepal’s political and legal developments is presented to investigate the rationale of using law as a social engineering and homogenising tool promoting an identifiably Nepali national identity. Second, the article focuses on the current debates concerning constitutional change in Nepal. The debates about the demise of the 1990 Constitution in 2007, and the election of a Constituent Assembly need to be investigated in the light of the growing politicisation of ethnicity in the country. The overarching demand for inclusion stems from the discontent of Nepal’s ethno-linguistic, religious, and regional minorities with their historical subordination. Ultimately, the article aims to demonstrate that the Nepali experience is situated somewhere between the civic and ethnic models of nationalism Kohn enunciated.

Michel Dormal’s piece considers the role of ‘representative relations as the site of a negotiation of collective identity’, in the context of Luxembourg.

Michel Dormal, Political Representation and Imagined Community: The Case of Luxembourg, Volume 12, Issue 3, 2012, pp. 498-516.

Discussions of nation-building often focus on political elites, who are considered the makers of new communities. This article seeks to sketch out a different approach. It suggests thinking of representative relations as the site of a negotiation of collective identity. Drawing on recent discussions in political theory, the first part of the article discusses conceptual implications of this assumption, arguing that representation should be analysed in terms of its symbolic structure. The second part offers a historical case study of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg. It explores how processes of political democratisation and imagination of national community were deeply interconnected in the period from 1890 to 1939. The article illustrates how the representative politisation of social conflict may trigger nation-building.

Didier Ruedin’s article considers the relationship between ethnic and group representation in different national parliaments.

Didier Ruedin, The Relationship between Levels of Gender and Ethnic Group Representation, Volume 10, Issue 1, 2010, pp. 92-106.

This article examines the relationship between levels of gender representation and levels of ethnic group representation in national parliaments. Taagepera (1994) and Lijphart (1999) predicted that because of shared mechanisms and covariates levels of representation in the two forms should be positively correlated. Whilst this paper can identify a number of shared covariates, there is no evidence of an association between levels of gender and ethnic group representation. The lack of negative association suggests that increasing levels of representation in one form does not necessarily come at the cost of the other. Instead it appears that the salience and politicisation of divisions – approximated by the make-up of society – may shape the relationship between levels of gender and ethnic group representation: representation scores tend to be higher in the forms of representation that are thought to be more salient.

Article Spotlights compiled by Dr Shane Nagle.

 

Taiwanese nationalism and the Sunflower movement

taiwan-sunflower-movement-protest

The process of democratisation is for Taiwan closely related to the birth of a Taiwanese identity (Geldenhuys, 2009). After the official ending of Japanese occupation in 1952, when Japan formally renounced all its territorial rights on the island, and the strained and often volatile relationship with mainland China, the decades following the dismantling of martial law in 1987 can be considered a crucial period in the process of construction of a Taiwanese identity. The gradual deconstruction of an authoritarian regime as represented by the unconditional power of Kuonmintang and the construction of a historically new democratic system have been seen as the first steps toward an unprecedented Taiwanese national identity. Empowered by the existence of civil society and popular movements, the democratisation process has over time and in different ways reshaped cross-Straits relations creating  a collective awareness of being politically differentiated from mainland China. According to Benedict Anderson, who defines nation as an imagined political community, a nation exists when ‘in the minds of each lives the image of their communion’ (Anderson, 2006). Thus, the process of democratisation of Taiwan can be considered as crucially involved in the creation of a common ‘image’, a self representation able to define a new identity.

 

Beginning in 1987, the process of democratisation in Taiwan saw the gradual shift from authoritarianism to democratic rule and contributed in part to dismantling the complex structure of the Chinese identity that had been deeply embedded in the Taiwanese consciousness (Rou-Lan Chen, 2014). As a consequence, the preservation of democracy is a focal point for the modern perception of Taiwanese national identity. Yet the passing of the controversial Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) by the Kuomintang and the irregular management of the reviewing process illustrate problems in Taiwan’s democracy, causing an outburst of Taiwanese student-led protests – also known as the “Sunflower Movement” – that peaked with the occupation of the Legislative Yuan between March and April 2014. The wave of demonstrations and the nature of the activists’ claims, that met with a strong reaction from the ruling party, seem to be based on widespread dissatisfaction among the Taiwanese population.

 

The discontent is partly due to the obscurity of the Cross Strait Service Trade Agreement and its potential implications for Chinese-Taiwanese relations, but the growing polarization of party politics, expanding social inequality, and ineffective representative democracy also have contributed to social unrest. Although it is too early  to establish on the political level the long-term implications of the Sunflower Movement, it has gained some significant successes worth analysing. First of all, it brought together different parts of Taiwanese society, including at least fifty-four NGOs and civic organisations . Second, the movement represents an explicit opposition to Beijing’s old formula ‘one country, two systems’ , thus reinforcing the idea of a separate Taiwanese national identity. Third, as noted above, Taiwan’s transition to democracy over the last twenty years has been of crucial importance for the country’s construction of a new national identity as being distinguished from that of the Chinese one. Indeed, the current mutual accusations between the Taiwanese government and the participants in the Sunflower Movement of being anti-democratic stresses the fundamental role of the discourse of democracy for Taiwan, its civil society, and a democratic Taiwanese identity that is different from the non-democratic Chinese identity. This also might explain why the Sunflower Movement seems to be calling for a second wave of democratisation in emphasising widespread social frustration and problems of democracy, of which the CSSTA itself as well as its management by party rule are one of the highest expressions. Overall, the emergence of the Sunflower Movement seems to indicate that the CSSTA will exert an influence not only on the economic relationship between Taiwan and mainland China, but also on the political relations between Taipei and Beijing, thus affecting the nature of Taiwanese national identity.

 

Article written by Sabella Festa Campanile


Rou-Lan Chen, Reconstructed nationalism in Taiwan: a politicised and economically driven identity, Nations and Nationalism, 20 (3), 2014, 523-545

A-chin Hsiau, Contemporary Taiwanese Cultural Nationalism, Routledge, 2000

D. Geldenhuys, Contested State in World Politics, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009

Anderson, B, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Verso, 2006

 

For more on the topic of Taiwanese ethnicity and nationalism, please check out the following article published in SEN Journal:

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/sena.12074/abstract

Article Spotlights Round-Up – June News Bites

articlespotlightRead on for Article Spotlights from the SEN Archives focusing on SEN News Bites from June. Here, we focus on the significance of performance in the popularization and strengthening of national belonging and nationalist movements. The articles spotlit here are all from 2012’s special edition on ‘Forging the Nation: Performance and Ritual in the (Re)production of Nation’, which itself arose from the 2011 annual ASEN Conference.

Chiara De Cesari’s article focuses on how artistic performance has been used to popularize a sense of Palestinian nationalism in the absence of a Palestinian state.

Chiara De Cesari, Anticipatory Representation: Building the Palestinian Nation(-State) through Artistic Performance, Volume 12, Issue 1, 2012, pp. 82-100.

This article aims to illuminate the ways in which artists and cultural producers can participate in forging the nation(-state) by performing its institutions, and by mocking its operations. It explores two experiments in setting up a Palestinian national museum, which are also art projects in themselves. It also discusses the recent Palestinian art biennials, organised by a Palestinian non-governmental organisation in 2007 and 2009 in various locations across the Mediterranean. It is my argument that the experiments with the Palestinian national museum and the biennials constitute a kind of artistic practice that does not just represent or imitate the social world: they are artistic practices that purport to produce new social arrangements – in particular, a set of new ‘state’ (art and cultural) institutions under conditions of statelessness. I also discuss how such a tactic of anticipatory representation, which calls into being, by representing them beforehand, institutions that do not yet (fully) exist, bears resemblance with recent policies adopted by the Palestinian political establishment.

Jasper Dag Tjaden’s essay deals with the significance of the Chilean independence centenary of 1910 for Chilean national identity.

Jasper Dag Tjaden, The (Re-)Construction of ‘National Identity’ through Selective Memory and Mass Ritual Discourse: The Chilean Centenary, 1910, Volume 12, Issue 1, 2012, pp. 45-63. 

Social constructivist theories regard the nation as ‘imagined’ (Anderson), ‘invented’ (Hobsbawm and Ranger), and ‘narrated’ (Bhabha). National narratives use mass rituals, performances, and selective national history to reinvigorate collective identity. This article examines the 1910 centennial festivities in Chile as a collective and discursive quest for national identity in a changing society longing for stability. The article uses a discourse analysis approach to study a series of Chilean national history abstracts and coverage of the centennial festivities as presented in Zig-Zag, the most relevant political magazine at the time. The study finds that selective memory and mass ritual discourse are a constitutive part of national identity. Through the process of selective memory, the sources depict Chilean history as a series of linear, coherent, and meaningful events to foster collective identification with the nation. The images of mass ritual discourse of the centennial celebrations reinforce common national characteristics and confidence in the nation. Mass performances provide emotional self-affirmation and an endowment of meaning for individuals within their national group as they restage current national membership with reference to a common past. The study identifies themes of national representation along which the nation is narrated, and suggests that this typology can be generalised beyond the case of Chile. In doing so, this article underscores the need for further research on the concept of discursive national identity formation and its relevance in contemporary politics.

Erika Kuever’s article examines the celebrations around the sixtieth anniversary of the Declaration of the People’s Republic of China, in 2009.

Erika Kuever, Performance, Spectacle, and Visual Poetry in the Sixtieth Anniversary National Day Parade in the People’s Republic of China, Volume 12, Issue 1, 2012, pp. 6-18.

The sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China on 1 October 2009 was marked with a massive parade in the heart of Beijing viewed on hundreds of millions of television screens across the nation. English-language media coverage focused primarily on what it saw as the event’s explicit message: the Communist Party’s celebration of the nation’s military might and continued economic growth, and its origins in a coherent and uniquely Chinese ideology. Such coverage largely reflected international fears of China and thus misread the parade’s import and impact on its domestic audience. I argue that the National Day events are better understood as a form of visual poetry that relied on performance to emotionally conflate party, nation, and state. Both the speeches of party leaders and the scripted remarks of state media commentators relied on language and ideas that the Chinese public has heard numerous times. The visual elements of the parade, in contrast, were unprecedented in both scale and spectacle. Hundreds of thousands took part in displays of collective harmony, unified patriotic sentiment, and ethnic unity. The distinctive style and rhythm of the parade depicted a vision of nationhood without the ethnic fractures, labour unrest, and massive inequalities that constitute the greatest threat to the power of the party-state as it embarks on its seventh decade of continuous rule.

Article spotlights compiled by Dr Shane Nagle. 

SEN News Bites, June 17-24

Here’s another roundup of some of the most interesting news found on the web this week!

 

EUobserver (18/06/2014) features an opinion piece on the role of nationalism in the electoral strategy of Romania’s governing party.

The Financial Times (19/06/2014) features a piece reflecting on the causes and potential consequences of the recent ethnic massacres in Kenya.

Sunstar Davao (22/06/2014) reports on a weeklong exhibition which took place in Davao City and aimed to express nationalism through showcasing culture, the arts and Filipino national attire.

The Sydney Morning Herald (23/06/2014) reports on an upsurge of ethnic violence between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in the deeply divided town of Mitrovica in northern Kosovo.

The Independent (23/06/2014) reports the key findings of recent research by the Institute for Fiscal Studies indicating that 80% of pupils in inner-London schools were from non-white backgrounds in 2012 compared to 14% in the country at large.

Solomon Star (23/06/2014) reports on the speech by the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands in which he suggested that Christianity is seen as a national identity in the country.

ITAR-TASS News Agency (24/06/2014) reports the results of a survey conducted by Russian Public Opinion Research Center (WCIOM) showing that 57% of the respondents currently support the idea of Russia as a multinational state.

 

 

News compiled by Anastasia Voronkova

If you would like to write a response to any of these news stories, please email us at sen@lse.ac.uk.