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Nationalism and Ethnicity: Upcoming Conferences and Events

Upcoming Conference/Workshop:

Imagined Communities and Frontier Politics in China’s Long Twentieth Century

Date: Tuesday, October 21-October 22

Location: Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore

Keynote Speaker: Benedict Anderson

Click here for more information.

 

Call for Papers:

Nationalism and Internationalism in Labour History

Date: 25 April 2015

Keynote speaker: Dr Emmet O’Connor (University of Ulster)

Deadline for proposals: (300 word abstract and one page CV): 30 January 2015

This one-day conference will explore the entangled relationship between nationalism and internationalism – both in the pasts of workers and in the political formations that addressed working-class concerns. The conference will shed light on competing and interrelated strands of activism and their connections with imperial rule, globalising processes and nation-building. The event seeks to explore the complex ways in which ideas, people and social contestation circulated beyond borders. It shows how individuals, parties and social movements negotiated the intertwined tenets of nationalism and internationalism in these contexts.

Organisers invite papers around the following themes:

  • Nationalism and internationalism in the intellectual history of labour.
  • Activists, transnational networks and their reconfigurations of socialist, communist or anarchist movements.
  • Relations between labour and nationalism in anti-colonial struggles.
  • Labour, nationalism and internationalism during wars and in post-war settlements.
  • Historic globalisations, labour and nationalism.
  • Syntheses of class and nation in ideology, identity, consciousness and discourse.

Contact address: matt.perry@ncl.ac.uk or Sarah.campbell@ncl.ac.uk

Click here for more information on the conference.

Scotland Votes, Secessionists Watch

While the UK is engulfed in politics within the confines of the isle, the wider nationalist community are searching for a precedent for their own secessionist struggles. Catalan and Basque organisations have been campaigning with the Scots—as have the Flemish, Sardinians and Venetians. Catalonians have shown a particular interest in the Scottish referendum—now more strongly than ever before—and pushing towards a similar vote for themselves. About a year ago, Professor Daniele Conversi, Research Professor at the University of the Basque Country, spoke to us about the relationships between the different movements.

Straight from the streets of the Basque country, I had a chance to snap some of those who have shown support. And as we watch the events unfold tomorrow, it’s worth remembering that they indicate more than the fate of just one state.

You can follow the unfolding events on Google’s specially created site or track them across the collection of sites we collated early last year.

Scottish flag & Basque supportCatalan and Basque

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

At home and abroad, the identity of Somalis and the role of religion in its formation

 

Somali girls

 

It is impossible to talk about Somali identity without considering the Somali diaspora of recent years. According to the Global Initiative on Somali Refugees, there are approximately one million Somalis living abroad. This figure assumes a particular relevance to the study of Somali  identity in that it cannot only  be defined in terms of statehood, but which considers the entire Somali population, estimated to be around 10 million within its borders. If we are to examine a Somali national consciousness, which stretches beyond geographical borders along with the existence of a Somali consciousness within the country’s borders, it is first worth mentioning the existence of a strong sense of ‘Somaliness’ among the members of the Somali community who are living abroad.

 

The colonial divisions of the past are still ever present in Somalian society. Colonialism had given birth to a fragmented state divided into federal regions — each with its own local and fragile authority. The colonial experience within which modern Somali nationalism has developed should be considered in the context of an analysis of the country’s modern identity. A common consciousness stems from an awareness of the division of the colonial past. Along with the sense of nationhood, Somalis consider themselves strongly bound to each other by the common experiences of the language, the religion of Islam, and the nomadic pastoral culture. It is not a sense of state that provides Somali society with a specific group identity—there is no tradition in this sense—rather, the sense of Somali identity is based on ‘a long-standing sense of cultural uniqueness’.

 

Kinship lineages is the force that unites and binds the society together and within which the individual and social identity of the population must also be collocated, along with the adherence to Islam. Somali citizenship stresses the blood relationship between all Somalis; indeed, it is based on the concept of belonging to a family, group or clan . Specifically, clan identity represents within Somali society the foundation of their national identity.

 

However, a different discourse concerns the Somali diaspora youth and their perception of national identity. Over the past few decades the country has experienced territorial conflicts and political turmoil, where thousands of young Somalis have fled to different parts of the world. Ethiopian troops, with U.S. support, invaded Somalia in 2006 with the aim of ousting the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). The current government, supported by the international community, is weaker than it was in 2006, and vast parts of the country’s territory are controlled by al-Shabaab, an extreme al-Quaeda linked Islamist group accused of being more violent than ICU ever was.

 

Despite the fact that Somalia was accustomed to significant waves of migration over the centuries, the most impressive flow of migrants  occurred after the collapse of the government in 1991. Since then, the despotism of the warlords, the controversial presence of al-Shabaab, the frequent interference of the international community, as well as the 2006 Ethiopian occupation, all contributed to worsen an already-unsafe environment and forced people to flee their homes in search of their fortunes abroad, in Middle Eastern countries, Western Europe, the U.S. and Canada. In particular, the long experience of ‘statelessness’ has had an impact on the youth of Somali diaspora. Worth mentioning is the impact of the Ethiopian occupation of Mogadishu coupled with the Western ‘War on Terror’ since 2001, and the risk of becoming a target of violence.

 

According to Khadra Elmi, a Somali researcher and traveller, the issue of identity requires a different approach that examines the impact of the Somali diaspora on young refugees and the generation born, raised and educated in Western schools overseas.  If the older generation of Somali migrants reconfirmed their social identity in terms of clanship, in the case of the younger Somali generation, the process involves different elements. The capacity of the youngest to establish a link with their culture of belonging, even if abstract, resides in their relation to parents and friends and is strongly linked to the country where they have resettled. The comprehension of ‘self’ and ‘other’ is determined by their history of mobility and is shaped by the relation they have with the new environment. The way in which this primary network deals with the concept of identity affects the image they have of their uniqueness.

 

Nonetheless, Muslim identity is the element which underlies the perception of individuality. The reaffirmation of Islamic values through a strong relation with religion is a basic element in the self-representation of the younger Somali generation of migrants  and for the new generation born in exile. In a context in which the core values of their culture are called into question, individuals’ natural reaction is to ‘extremize’ its more controversial aspects. According to Elmi, this underlies the strong self-identification with Muslim culture in the understanding and shaping of their Somali identity for young Somalis abroad.

I. M. Lewis, Visible and Invisible Differences: The Somali Paradox, Africa, 74 (4), 2004

K. Elmi, Distant Voices and the ties that bind: Identity, Politics and Somali Diaspora Youth, Accord, Issue 21, 2010

M. V. Hoehne, Political Representation in Somalia: Citizenship, clanism and territoriality, Accord, Issue 21, 2010

Article written by Sabella Festa Campanile

For more on the topic of Somali ethnicity and nationalism, please check out the following article published in SEN:

Journal:http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2011.01103.x/abstract

Taiwanese nationalism and the Sunflower movement

taiwan-sunflower-movement-protest

The process of democratisation is for Taiwan closely related to the birth of a Taiwanese identity (Geldenhuys, 2009). After the official ending of Japanese occupation in 1952, when Japan formally renounced all its territorial rights on the island, and the strained and often volatile relationship with mainland China, the decades following the dismantling of martial law in 1987 can be considered a crucial period in the process of construction of a Taiwanese identity. The gradual deconstruction of an authoritarian regime as represented by the unconditional power of Kuonmintang and the construction of a historically new democratic system have been seen as the first steps toward an unprecedented Taiwanese national identity. Empowered by the existence of civil society and popular movements, the democratisation process has over time and in different ways reshaped cross-Straits relations creating  a collective awareness of being politically differentiated from mainland China. According to Benedict Anderson, who defines nation as an imagined political community, a nation exists when ‘in the minds of each lives the image of their communion’ (Anderson, 2006). Thus, the process of democratisation of Taiwan can be considered as crucially involved in the creation of a common ‘image’, a self representation able to define a new identity.

 

Beginning in 1987, the process of democratisation in Taiwan saw the gradual shift from authoritarianism to democratic rule and contributed in part to dismantling the complex structure of the Chinese identity that had been deeply embedded in the Taiwanese consciousness (Rou-Lan Chen, 2014). As a consequence, the preservation of democracy is a focal point for the modern perception of Taiwanese national identity. Yet the passing of the controversial Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) by the Kuomintang and the irregular management of the reviewing process illustrate problems in Taiwan’s democracy, causing an outburst of Taiwanese student-led protests – also known as the “Sunflower Movement” – that peaked with the occupation of the Legislative Yuan between March and April 2014. The wave of demonstrations and the nature of the activists’ claims, that met with a strong reaction from the ruling party, seem to be based on widespread dissatisfaction among the Taiwanese population.

 

The discontent is partly due to the obscurity of the Cross Strait Service Trade Agreement and its potential implications for Chinese-Taiwanese relations, but the growing polarization of party politics, expanding social inequality, and ineffective representative democracy also have contributed to social unrest. Although it is too early  to establish on the political level the long-term implications of the Sunflower Movement, it has gained some significant successes worth analysing. First of all, it brought together different parts of Taiwanese society, including at least fifty-four NGOs and civic organisations . Second, the movement represents an explicit opposition to Beijing’s old formula ‘one country, two systems’ , thus reinforcing the idea of a separate Taiwanese national identity. Third, as noted above, Taiwan’s transition to democracy over the last twenty years has been of crucial importance for the country’s construction of a new national identity as being distinguished from that of the Chinese one. Indeed, the current mutual accusations between the Taiwanese government and the participants in the Sunflower Movement of being anti-democratic stresses the fundamental role of the discourse of democracy for Taiwan, its civil society, and a democratic Taiwanese identity that is different from the non-democratic Chinese identity. This also might explain why the Sunflower Movement seems to be calling for a second wave of democratisation in emphasising widespread social frustration and problems of democracy, of which the CSSTA itself as well as its management by party rule are one of the highest expressions. Overall, the emergence of the Sunflower Movement seems to indicate that the CSSTA will exert an influence not only on the economic relationship between Taiwan and mainland China, but also on the political relations between Taipei and Beijing, thus affecting the nature of Taiwanese national identity.

 

Article written by Sabella Festa Campanile


Rou-Lan Chen, Reconstructed nationalism in Taiwan: a politicised and economically driven identity, Nations and Nationalism, 20 (3), 2014, 523-545

A-chin Hsiau, Contemporary Taiwanese Cultural Nationalism, Routledge, 2000

D. Geldenhuys, Contested State in World Politics, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009

Anderson, B, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Verso, 2006

 

For more on the topic of Taiwanese ethnicity and nationalism, please check out the following article published in SEN Journal:

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/sena.12074/abstract

Nationalism and Ethnicity: Upcoming Conferences and Events

Upcoming Conference:

Gender and Nationalism: An International Conference

Date: 11 September 2014

Location: Middlesex University London

This two-day conference will provide a forum for international researchers to share, review and debate new empirical and theoretical developments in the field of gender and nationalism.

The conference will explore the gendered identities, meanings, relations, practices and structures associated with contemporary nationalist movements, and in their variable relationships to their male and female activists and supporters. The conference will address the following aims:

  • To showcase the latest empirical international research in the field of gender and nationalism
  • To apply and evaluate established and new theoretical and conceptual developments in the light of this empirical research
  • To provide a forum for social scientific debate, networking, collaboration and the formulation of new directions for research

Plenary Speakers: Nira Yuval-Davis; Floya Anthias; Kathleen Blee; Jon Mulholland, Nicola Montagna and Erin Sanders-McDonagh

For more information: http://www.mdx.ac.uk/events/2014/09/gender-and-nationalism-an-international-conference-a-call-for-papers

 

Upcoming Conference:

The Roots of Nationalism: National Identity Formation in Early Modern Europe, 1600-1815

Date: 22 and 23 January 2015

Location: Radboud University Nijmegen, Nijmegen, the Netherlands

For more information: http://www.ru.nl/rootsofnationalism/

 

Call for Applications:

Visiting Research Scholar, Fung Global Fellows Program (Theme on “Ethnic Politics and Identities”), Princeton University

Princeton University announces a call for applications to the Fung Global Fellows Program at the Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies (PIIRS). Each year the program selects six scholars from around the world to be in residence at Princeton for an academic year and to engage in research and discussion around a common theme. Fellowships are awarded to scholars employed outside the United States who are expected to return to their positions, and who have demonstrated outstanding scholarly achievement and exhibit unusual intellectual promise but who are still early in their careers.

During the academic year 2015/16, the theme for the Fung Global Fellows Program will be “Ethnic Politics and Identities.” Recent events around the world have highlighted the role of ethnic politics and identities in shaping domestic and international political arenas. The Fung Global Fellows Program seeks applications from scholars who explore the causes, narrative modalities, and consequences of the politicization of ethnic, racial, and national divides from a comparative perspective. Researchers working on any historical period of the modern age or region of the world and from any disciplinary background in the social sciences or humanities are encouraged to apply.

Applications are due on November 1, 2014 (deadline 11:59 p.m. EST). To be eligible, applicants must have received their Ph.D. (or equivalent) no earlier than September 1, 2005. Fellowships will be awarded on the strength of a candidate’s proposed research project, the relationship of the project to the program’s theme, the candidate’s scholarly record, and the candidate’s ability to contribute to the intellectual life of the program.

For more information on eligibility requirements and the application process itself, see the program’s website at http://www.princeton.edu/funggfp/