Author Archives: Hannah Atkins

Blog post: Clearing Up the Records

The 30th Anniversary of the Erasure from the Slovenian Register of Permanent Residents

Image credit: Dare Čakeliš

Blog Editor’s Note

By Barbara Gornik, Science and Research Centre Koper

On June 25th, 1991, Slovenia formally declared its independence and adopted legislation related to internal affairs, citizenship, and sovereignty. Article 40 of the Citizenship Act (1991) provided that citizens of other republics of former Yugoslavia could acquire Slovenian citizenship if they met three requirements: they had acquired permanent resident status in Slovenia by December 23rd, 1990; they were actually residing in Slovenia; and they had applied for citizenship within six months of the Citizenship Act entering into force. According to the official data, approximately 171,000 out of 200,000 citizens of the other republics of former Yugoslavia were granted citizenship under Article 40 of the Citizenship Act (Zorn, 2009). 

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Blog post: The Spatial Dimension of Nation Building

Image credit: Lucas George Wendt on Unsplash

Guest Contributor

Igor Okunev, Professorial Research Fellow at MGIMO University’s Institute for International Studies

It is customary to distinguish between two major territoriality-defined foundations of statehood. These are common territorial identity and mental maps marking the community through awareness of external security threats. In other words, we are talking about an awareness of the “we”-community and the revision of the “they”-community. Nation building connects geographically separate cultural communities with emerging political institutions, which allows the population to act as a source of legitimacy for the future state. 

Common territorial identity is the internal basis for statehood, while external security threats, or rather, the relevant security discourse, constitutes the external basis. External threats create the image of “them”, and it is by opposing “them” that the nation is built. In addition to political borders, a new political entity needs identity boundaries, which among others arise also through the awareness of a danger from the outside. In addition, security threats mobilize the population, thereby significantly accelerating internal legitimation. Thomas Eriksen contrasted the two mechanisms as “we-hood,” the common identity and the common mission, and “us-hood,” opposition to an external foe, real or imaginary. 

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Featured weekly article: Towards a theory of diaspora formation through conflict deterritorialization

Towards a theory of diaspora formation through conflict deterritorialization

By Élise Féron and Sofiya Voytiv

Volume 11, Issue 3, pages 210-224

Building on different cases of conflicts in homelands triggering diaspora mobilization, we develop a theory of diaspora formation through processes of conflict deterritorialization. We argue that an armed conflict in the country of origin can trigger specific processes of diaspora formation in the countries of settlement and in the transnational space, depending on the actors involved and the particular context in both the home and host countries. We suggest that this specific non-linear process of diaspora formation can happen at the individual and collective levels, and can both turn a migrant into a diasporic individual as well as mobilize diasporic individuals for collective action. This mobilization, we argue, builds on narratives about and from the homeland, the country of residence, and the transnational space, and can, in turn, lead to conflict autonomization in diaspora settings.

Read the full article here.

Blog post – Monsters, Inc: The Taliban as Empire’s bogeyman

“Women on the Job in Afghanistan” by United Nations Photo is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 

This opinion piece was originally published on Al Jazeera

The 20th anniversary of the so-called “war on terror”, which began with the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, is marked by the withdrawal of United States troops and the “return” of the Taliban to Kabul. In some ways, we are back in 2001, and in others – there is no going back, given that the US war on terror has killed over 800,000 people, and displaced 37 million more.

The events of the past months have forced on us a number of urgent questions. How should we interpret what happened in Afghanistan? How does one express solidarity with Afghans, and what forms of support should be abandoned? (Perhaps, white liberal feminist tears/fears for Afghan women and girls that still yet justify US imperial violence would be a good start.)

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Featured weekly article: The Ethnic and Civic Foundations of Citizenship and Identity in the Horn of Africa

The Ethnic and Civic Foundations of Citizenship and Identity in the Horn of Africa

By Redie Bereketeab

Volume 11, Issue 1, pages 63-81

The article seeks to analyse the ethic and civic forms of citizenship and identity in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia and to some extent Sudan are pursuing the ethnic model. While Eritrea and Djibouti pursue the civic model, Somalia represents a special case. Ethnic citizenship may guarantee equal rights, self-rule, and self-fulfillment; however, it could also be a cause of division and irredentism. Civic citizenship could create unity and cohesion in polyethnic societies; it could also lead to majority domination. The article contends that both models are relevant where the national level could be served by the civic model and the sub-national is served by the ethnic model. The article concludes that the politics of domination are the main obstacle to the equal rights of citizens, and therefore politics of domination should be replaced by the politics of rights

Read the full article here.